Communalism & Minority Question
English Essay on "Communalism & Minority Question" - Compositions on "Communalism & Minority Question"
The communal riots have once again brought shame to India where just two weeks ago the communalists were defeated in their bastion of power, Uttar Pradesh and Uttranchal, Even 54 years after the partition and secular continuity, the communal issue continues to haunt the Indian polity and the minority question still begs a solution in a secularism that essentially serves the interests of Hindu majority. Frustrated with his own Sangh Parivar, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has rightly condemned then as a blot on India’s face while calling upon the secular forces to forge communal harmony. Most worrying aspect 01 the communalism in India is that it has continued to retain mass roots, unlike Pakistan where sectarianism could not engulf the communities except in the case of Ahmadis and where the miniscule minorities remain totally sidelined. Religious fascism becomes a lethal force only when it finds roots in the mass psychology of the people, even if the state remains secular. No doubt, Indian democracy and the people at large have been remarkably restricting the rise of communal forces, they could not, however, find an amicable solution to the minority and so-called communal questions, despite adhering to secularism in general.
The failure of national liberation movement to find a lasting solution to communitarian issues or more specifically the minority question resulted in the partition of India.educationsight.blogspot.com A secular Jinnah and ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity was left with no option but to opt for a Pakistan consisting of the Muslim-majority provinces, after the Congress leadership rejected the Cabinet Mission-Plan, leaving the minority question unresolved in its larger context. Partition of India was preferred over reservation of seats for the minorities and a loose federal structure that might have cushioned the communal tension.
Yet, the partition also failed to solve the minority issue, be it in secular India, or Islamic Republic of Pakistan, or nationalist Bangladesh, keeping Jinnah still relevant to the whole subcontinent. Regardless of national ideologies India’s majoritarian secularism, Pakistan’s Islamic ideology and Bangladesh’s nationalism, the minorities are yet to taste the fruits of freedom and remain unequal as citizens. In the case of India, as compared to Pakistan where minorities are just over three percent of the total population, the minorities, especially the Muslims who are 15 percent of the population, are quite sizeable (above 18 percent) and pose a greater challenge. However, regardless of the size of the minorities, they become a victim of the majoritarian discourse and the politics of exclusion, be it secular or religious in form.
The commonality in different variants of communalism in the subcontinent is that this is the majority that either excludes the minority, as in India, or, more ironically, seeks safe- ‘guards from the hapless minorities by insisting upon the separate electorate, a in Pakistan. Although Indian political system is very sensitive and responsive to the scheduled and oppressed castes who have in fact, together with the minorities, thwarted the rise of Hindutva, its secularism, more zealously supported by the Muslims, continues to exclude the minority concerns in a majoritarian framework. Democracy and the democratic process remain flawed unless it is inclusive. And without ensuring a pluralism, that includes the minority, democracy cannot flourish, even if state adheres to secularism.
Undoubtedly, Indian secularism has survived the onslaught of Hindu revivalism, especially after the demolition of Babri mosque. If the VHP campaign to construct Rain temple on the debris of Babri mosque has kept alive the forces of Hindutva, it has also reinforced the resolve of secular forces to frustrate the designs of Sangh Parivar. With the backing of combined forces of caste-minority politics and secularists, the Indian secular system has been able to contain communal politics. But the problem with Indian secularism is that it is not affirmatively accommodative of the minority concerns. It, rather, boasts of its ideological purity by excluding the minority question and, thus, degenerates into the ideology of’ majority, despite opposing communalism.
Not ironically, the Indian secularists, such as my dear pacifist friend kuldip Nayar, betray their democratic credentials when it comes to the right to self-determination of the disenfranchised Kashmiris. The ideology of Indian secularism not only precludes creation of Pakistan, but also excludes the minority question while undermining its democratic credentials by taking an annexationist view on Kashmir. On the other hand, and quite ironically, the Hindu nationalist BJP under Vajpayee turned out to be more ‘flexible’ than its secular counterparts on the Kashmir question. This is not to justify the irredentist stand on Kashmir taken by Pakistan that is yet to become a republic or treat its minorities as equal citizens.
Pakistan has had the better prospects of becoming a secular democracy, despite its creation on the basis of two-nation theory or Muslim separatism in the Muslim-majority provinces. The defeat of religious extremism in Pakistan, or the defeat of Hindu revivalism in the state elections, in fact reinforces secular, liberal and democratic forces in the subcontinent. Revival of joint electorate is the right step, if the reserved seats for the minorities are also kept. The separation of religion from state in Pakistan and equal status for minorities will help strengthen anti-communalist forces and the Muslims of India.
If the ongoing communal riots in India have activated the communalist forces, they have, on the other hand, strengthened the resolve of secular forces to defend secularism. The efforts to construct Ram temple in Ayodhya will be frustrated both by the state and victorious secular forces in Uttar Pradesh. But the ideological dilemma of India secularism, to appreciably keep religion separate from state and oppose communalism without including minorities, will continue unless the concerns of the minorities are fully accommodated the way the oppressed castes are being affirmatively integrated.
The recent electoral defeat of the BJP and its allies have indicated that the Hindu revivalism is now on the receding side, despite the communal peak being built around the deadline of March 15 to construct Ram temple. With the defeat of BJP in recent state elections and a renewed collective secular resolve in opposition to communal riots, the Vajpayee government is faced with a kind of Hobson’s choice. It cannot afford to regain lost ground and legitimacy by fanning communalism. That is why it had to go along with the combined secular opposition in its firm opposition to communalism. The secular pressure on Mr Vajpayee, from both within his NDA coalition and the opposition, than being exerted by the RSS and VHP is going to set the direction of his government. After its defeat in UP, the right wing of the BJP is no more in a position to dictate its terms to the Vajpayee government whose politics of military escalation against Pakistan has not helped snatch victory from the jaws of electoral defeat.
Mr Vajpayee is row playing the last inning of his politics and will be retiring before the next general elections. Will he continue with the jingoist course against Pakistan, that has not helped revive BJP’s fortunes in UP? Will he again give a last try to his life long passion to mend fences with Pakistan or will he put every thing at stake to revive the Hindutva platform by succumbing to RSS pressure? It is in Pakistan’s interest not to let a communal backlash happen here and facilitate the upsurge of secular forces in India by continuing to play on its peace offensive. This was his peace overture in Kathmandu and Jan 12 speech, and not tit for tat measures of escalation, that outmaneuvered Delhi. General Musharraf must take the initiative and disarm Indian bellicosity by unilaterally taking some more confidence building measures. He can hope to get a better deal from Vajpayee than from any post-Vajpayee government. Much needs to be done to eliminate extremism in Pakistan than to feel complacent over the ugly rise of communalism in India.
The failure of national liberation movement to find a lasting solution to communitarian issues or more specifically the minority question resulted in the partition of India.educationsight.blogspot.com A secular Jinnah and ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity was left with no option but to opt for a Pakistan consisting of the Muslim-majority provinces, after the Congress leadership rejected the Cabinet Mission-Plan, leaving the minority question unresolved in its larger context. Partition of India was preferred over reservation of seats for the minorities and a loose federal structure that might have cushioned the communal tension.
Yet, the partition also failed to solve the minority issue, be it in secular India, or Islamic Republic of Pakistan, or nationalist Bangladesh, keeping Jinnah still relevant to the whole subcontinent. Regardless of national ideologies India’s majoritarian secularism, Pakistan’s Islamic ideology and Bangladesh’s nationalism, the minorities are yet to taste the fruits of freedom and remain unequal as citizens. In the case of India, as compared to Pakistan where minorities are just over three percent of the total population, the minorities, especially the Muslims who are 15 percent of the population, are quite sizeable (above 18 percent) and pose a greater challenge. However, regardless of the size of the minorities, they become a victim of the majoritarian discourse and the politics of exclusion, be it secular or religious in form.
The commonality in different variants of communalism in the subcontinent is that this is the majority that either excludes the minority, as in India, or, more ironically, seeks safe- ‘guards from the hapless minorities by insisting upon the separate electorate, a in Pakistan. Although Indian political system is very sensitive and responsive to the scheduled and oppressed castes who have in fact, together with the minorities, thwarted the rise of Hindutva, its secularism, more zealously supported by the Muslims, continues to exclude the minority concerns in a majoritarian framework. Democracy and the democratic process remain flawed unless it is inclusive. And without ensuring a pluralism, that includes the minority, democracy cannot flourish, even if state adheres to secularism.
Undoubtedly, Indian secularism has survived the onslaught of Hindu revivalism, especially after the demolition of Babri mosque. If the VHP campaign to construct Rain temple on the debris of Babri mosque has kept alive the forces of Hindutva, it has also reinforced the resolve of secular forces to frustrate the designs of Sangh Parivar. With the backing of combined forces of caste-minority politics and secularists, the Indian secular system has been able to contain communal politics. But the problem with Indian secularism is that it is not affirmatively accommodative of the minority concerns. It, rather, boasts of its ideological purity by excluding the minority question and, thus, degenerates into the ideology of’ majority, despite opposing communalism.
Not ironically, the Indian secularists, such as my dear pacifist friend kuldip Nayar, betray their democratic credentials when it comes to the right to self-determination of the disenfranchised Kashmiris. The ideology of Indian secularism not only precludes creation of Pakistan, but also excludes the minority question while undermining its democratic credentials by taking an annexationist view on Kashmir. On the other hand, and quite ironically, the Hindu nationalist BJP under Vajpayee turned out to be more ‘flexible’ than its secular counterparts on the Kashmir question. This is not to justify the irredentist stand on Kashmir taken by Pakistan that is yet to become a republic or treat its minorities as equal citizens.
Pakistan has had the better prospects of becoming a secular democracy, despite its creation on the basis of two-nation theory or Muslim separatism in the Muslim-majority provinces. The defeat of religious extremism in Pakistan, or the defeat of Hindu revivalism in the state elections, in fact reinforces secular, liberal and democratic forces in the subcontinent. Revival of joint electorate is the right step, if the reserved seats for the minorities are also kept. The separation of religion from state in Pakistan and equal status for minorities will help strengthen anti-communalist forces and the Muslims of India.
If the ongoing communal riots in India have activated the communalist forces, they have, on the other hand, strengthened the resolve of secular forces to defend secularism. The efforts to construct Ram temple in Ayodhya will be frustrated both by the state and victorious secular forces in Uttar Pradesh. But the ideological dilemma of India secularism, to appreciably keep religion separate from state and oppose communalism without including minorities, will continue unless the concerns of the minorities are fully accommodated the way the oppressed castes are being affirmatively integrated.
The recent electoral defeat of the BJP and its allies have indicated that the Hindu revivalism is now on the receding side, despite the communal peak being built around the deadline of March 15 to construct Ram temple. With the defeat of BJP in recent state elections and a renewed collective secular resolve in opposition to communal riots, the Vajpayee government is faced with a kind of Hobson’s choice. It cannot afford to regain lost ground and legitimacy by fanning communalism. That is why it had to go along with the combined secular opposition in its firm opposition to communalism. The secular pressure on Mr Vajpayee, from both within his NDA coalition and the opposition, than being exerted by the RSS and VHP is going to set the direction of his government. After its defeat in UP, the right wing of the BJP is no more in a position to dictate its terms to the Vajpayee government whose politics of military escalation against Pakistan has not helped snatch victory from the jaws of electoral defeat.
Mr Vajpayee is row playing the last inning of his politics and will be retiring before the next general elections. Will he continue with the jingoist course against Pakistan, that has not helped revive BJP’s fortunes in UP? Will he again give a last try to his life long passion to mend fences with Pakistan or will he put every thing at stake to revive the Hindutva platform by succumbing to RSS pressure? It is in Pakistan’s interest not to let a communal backlash happen here and facilitate the upsurge of secular forces in India by continuing to play on its peace offensive. This was his peace overture in Kathmandu and Jan 12 speech, and not tit for tat measures of escalation, that outmaneuvered Delhi. General Musharraf must take the initiative and disarm Indian bellicosity by unilaterally taking some more confidence building measures. He can hope to get a better deal from Vajpayee than from any post-Vajpayee government. Much needs to be done to eliminate extremism in Pakistan than to feel complacent over the ugly rise of communalism in India.
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